Musk's Allegation Against Trump Is Deleted From Social MediaNew Foto - Musk's Allegation Against Trump Is Deleted From Social Media

President Donald Trump speaks during a news conference with Elon Musk in the Oval Office of the White House in Washington, D.C, on May 30, 2025. Credit - Allison Robbert—Getty Images AmidPresident Donald Trump and Elon Musk's bitter online war of words, key posts have been deleted from social media. The most divisive post from Musk alleged that Trump is listed in the files related to the late financier and sex offender Jeffrey Epstein, and that this is why they have not been fully released to the public. He did not provide evidence pertaining to this. Musk made the allegation on Thursday, in a post shared on his social media platform, X (formerly Twitter). But as of early Saturday morning, Musk's Epstein-related post was no longer showing, with X users instead receiving a notice that reads: "Sorry, that post has been deleted." And it's not the only post of Musk's that has been deleted. Another inflammatory post from Thursday, which saw Musk respond "yes," endorsing a message that said "Trump should be impeached" and that Vance "should replace him,"is also no longer viewable on X. The deleted posts suggest that the explosive feud between Trump and his one-time ally could be thawing. Read More:Where Things Stand With the Epstein Files Following Musk's Allegation Against Trump Musk's original posts came as Trump alsolobbed insults and threatened to takeaway government funding and contracts related to billionaire Musk's Space X company. The row started when Musk aired his grievances with Trump's"Big, Beautiful Bill," which is being considered by the Senate. The Tesla CEO branded the bill a "disgusting abomination" andtold his millions of followersto "call your Senator, call your Congressman… kill the bill." Although things appear, for now, to be simmering down, Trump has made it clear he does not have plans to reconcile with Musk. When asked on Friday night by reporters if he intends to speak with Musk—whountil recently leadthe Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE)—the President gave a clear response. "No I don't have plans… I'm not even thinking about it,"Trump said on Air Force One. "I'm not really interested in that, I'm really interested in the country, and solving problems." However, when asked if he plans to take back the symbolic White House key that he gifted to Musk, Trump said that he has no intention of doing that."I don't take things back, I gave him a key, he tried very hard," the President told reporters, praising the efforts of DOGE. Read More:J.D. Vance Speaks Out After He's Dragged Into Explosive Row Between Trump and Musk Trump also appeared to defend Musk against the New YorkTimes'reported allegations that the Tesla CEO regularly consumed ketamine, ecstasy, and psychedelic mushrooms when traveling with Trump on the campaign trail in 2024. "I don't want to comment on his drug use. I don't know what his status is," Trump said, when asked by reporters if he had concerns. "I read an article in the New YorkTimes. I thought it was, frankly, it sounded very unfair to me." Trump's Air Force One remarks, issued late on Friday, came hours after hetold ABC Newsthat Musk had "lost his mind." Meanwhile, although Musk's Epstein-related allegation against Trump has since been deleted, the impact of the initial post continues to be felt.The allegation spurred Democrats to chase the full unsealing of the Epstein files, prompting prominent lawmakers to sign a letter, accompanied by a press release titled"Is Trump Suppressing The Epstein Files?" Trump's connection to Epsteindates back decades. In a 2002 interview withNew Yorkmagazine, he famously said that Epstein was "a lot of fun to be with." In July 2019, NBC News' TODAY releasedunearthed video footagebelieved to be from 1992, which showed Trump hosting Epstein at his Mar-a-Lago estate. But after Epstein's 2019 arrest on federal sex trafficking charges,Trump told reportersin the Oval Office: "I had a falling out with him [Epstein]. I haven't spoken to him in 15 years. I was not a fan of his, that I can tell you." Contact usatletters@time.com.

Musk’s Allegation Against Trump Is Deleted From Social Media

Musk's Allegation Against Trump Is Deleted From Social Media President Donald Trump speaks during a news conference with Elon Musk in th...
Could Trump fail on tax bill? Why going 'big' doesn't always work out as plannedNew Foto - Could Trump fail on tax bill? Why going 'big' doesn't always work out as planned

WASHINGTON – WillPresident Donald Trump's"big beautiful bill"go bust? The second-term president's highest-prioritylegislation is under attackfrom some Senate Republicans – and from his former billionaire adviserElon Musk– for costing too much. Complaints are also mounting from Republicans who are opposed to cutting Medicaidhealth insurance and other popular programsused by many Americans, especially as a way to help pay for tax breaks that wouldbenefit some of the country's highest-income earners. With Republicans holding theslimmest of majoritiesin both chambers of Congress and with Democratsshowing no sign of wanting to help Trumpnotch a major win to begin his new administration, lawmakers from Trump's own party are sounding apprehensive about threading the needle before their self-imposed July 4 deadline to get something to the president's desk for signature into law. More:Trump and Musk's bromance ends after personal attacks over criticism of tax bill "We're anxious to get to work on it," Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-South Dakota, told reporters earlier in the week asRepublicansandMusk started publiclyairing their complaints about the effort. Adding to the challenge: Some of the very House GOP members wholast month votedin favor of their1,100-pageversion of Trump's tax and policy plan startedfinding faults of their ownthat they say meant they'd probably have been a 'no' if they had the chance to do it again. Presidents often try in their first year to build on the momentum of their elections to get major legislation approved. For Joe Biden, it wasan infrastructure bill. ForBarack Obama, it wasoverhauling healthcareinsurance. For George W. Bush, it wasoverhauling public education. Trumpleapt into action in 2025with anunprecedented paceof executive orders: 157 through May 23. When he turned to legislation, he persuaded Republican congressional leaders topackage all his priorities into one bill,rather than splitting taxes and border security into two different bills, to complete the debate in one fell swoop. More:Everything's an 'emergency': How Trump's executive order record pace is testing the courts Lawmakers often shy away from piling too much into one bill because each contentious provision spurs its own opposition. But faced with the prospect of unanimous Democratic opposition, Trump opted for a strategy that focuses on GOP priorities such as tax relief and border security whilepersonally lobbyingreluctant Republicansto stay in line. "Americans have given us a mandate for bold and profound change," Trump told Congress in a speech March 4. "I call on all of my Republican friends in the Senate and House to work as fast as they can to get this Bill to MY DESK before the Fourth of JULY," he added in a social media post about three months later, on June 2. Trump's efforts worked in the Republican-led House, which after several days of negotiations and an all-night floor debatevoted 215-214in favor of a plan that had the full backing of the White House. Getting the measurethrough the Senate- even with the GOP in charge needing just a simple majority of 51 votes - is proving to be its own elusive challenge. Musk, the former head of Trump's bureaucracy-slashing Department of Government Efficiency, spent this past week unloading on the House-passed billfor spending too muchmoney. He called the legislation "pork-filled" and a"disgusting abomination,"andurged lawmakers to "KILL the BILL." More:The post-fight fallout from Trump-Musk battle could get even uglier While Musk's barrageignited a war with Trumpandleft many Republicans cringing, deficit hawks in the GOP said they appreciated the world's richest man also pushing for deeper spending cuts from the U.S. government. "I welcome people likeElon Muskthat try to hold our feet to the fire," said Rep. Eric Burlison, R-Missouri. "We often disappoint our voters when we don't do the cuts that we campaign on, when we're not fiscally responsible." But Rep. Don Bacon, R-Nebraska, who served in the Air Force for 30 years, said the division between Trump and Musk wasn't a good look for his party, especially when it's trying to advance the primary piece of legislation on the president's agenda. "It's just not helpful," Bacon said. "When you have division, divided teams don't perform as well." Several pockets of Republican senators have voiced concerns about the House-passed legislation. Each group has their issue that they want addressed, and each one presents a hurdle for Trump and GOP leaders like Thune as they try to cobble together a winning 51-vote coalition that can also make it back through the House for another final vote. The Senate factions include one group seeking to cut more spending because the Congressional Budget Office said the House-passed plan wouldadd $2.4 trillion to the debtover the next 10 years. Others are worried about cutting Medicaid, the federal health insurance program for low-income families. And another handful of senators say they are worried about the House-passed bill rolling backrenewable energy tax creditsfor solar, wind, geothermal and nuclear energy. "There are many of us who recognize that what came out of the House was pretty aggressive in how it seeks to wind down or phase out many of the energy tax credit provisions," said Sen. Lisa Murkowski, R-Alaska. "I happen to think that we've got tax policies that are working to help advance our energy initiatives around the country, as diverse and as varied as they are. Wouldn't we want to continue those investments? "This bill is the opposite of conservative, and we should not pass it," addedSen. Rand Paul, R-Kentucky, in a June 4 social media postthat raised concerns about the nation's debt limit. Missouri Sen. Josh Hawley is one of the outspoken Republicans taking issue with the House-passed bill's provisions that would cut nearly $800 billion during the next decade from Medicaid and, according to theCongressional Budget Office, cost 7.8 million people their health insurance. "I don't want to see rural hospitals close and I don't want to see any benefits cut in my state," Hawley said. Trump and his allies contend spending cuts of $1.6 trillion are the most ever approved in a House bill and that the tax cuts will spur economic growth to offset the costs.Trump got personal this weekin calling Paul's ideas "crazy" in a social media post and said the people of Kentucky "can't stand him." More:Trump lashes out at Sen. Rand Paul over opposition to big tax bill House SpeakerMike Johnson, a staunch Trump ally,told reporters June 4that few people are going to like everything in an 1,100-page bill. But the Louisiana Republican said the measure he helped craft in the House was carefully calibrated to gain wide support. "I hope everybody will evaluate that – in both parties, and everybody – and recognize, 'Wow, the benefits of this far outweigh anything that I don't like out it,'" Johnson said. Any changes made by the Senate will force another vote in the House before the bill can become law - and that's where the math can get tricky. Republican senators aretalking about tinkeringwith a key compromise that Trump and Johnson signed off on in the House that raised the federal deduction for state and local taxes (SALT) from $10,000 to $40,000 for people earning less than $500,000 per year. That provision is important to GOP lawmakers from high-tax states such as California, New York and New Jersey who supported the House bill that passed through the 435-seat chamber by only a one-vote margin. More:Senate Republicans plan to amend SALT tax deduction in Trump's sweeping bill The Senate aims to cut back that provision. But Rep. Nick Lalota, R-New York,told reporters on June 4that revisiting the tax issue "would be like digging up safely-buried radioactive waste." House members scouring through the bill they voted on weeks ago are also finding unfamiliar provisions in the version that they say they would have opposed. For example, Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, R-Georgia,said in a social media post June 3that the Senate needs to strip out language she hadn't noticed earlier that wouldprevent states from regulating artificial intelligence. Rep. Mike Flood, R-Nebraska, said he opposed asection that aims to hinder federal judgesfrom enforcing their court orders. Trump sought the provision to prevent judges from blocking policies largely spelled out via his executive orders. Even though Republicans control both chambers of Congress, the Senate could drop or fail to approve contentious parts that GOP House colleagues in competitive districts already went out on a limb to support. It's happened many times before - with sizable political consequences. The concept even has a name: Getting BTU'd. That refers to a1993 House voteon a controversial energy tax during the first year of Bill Clinton's presidency based on British thermal units. House Democrats lost 54 seats in the 1994 election – and control of the chamber for the first time in 40 years – in part because of supporting the BTU tax that the Senate never debated. John Pitney, a political science professor at Claremont McKenna College, has said a book about such votes could be called"Profiles in Futility." Another example was the 2009 American Clean Energy and Security Act, a bill which Obama supported as president that aimed to limit the emissions of heat-trapping gases from power plants, vehicles and other industrial sources. The Democrat-controlled House narrowly approved the measure 219-212 but the Senate never took it up. Critics said it would raise the cost of energy. TheCompetitive Enterprise Institute, a non-profit libertarian think tank that opposed the measure, counted 28 House Democrats from coal states who lost their seats in the 2010 mid-term election after voting for the bill. Fast forward to 2025 and Republicans are the ones facing a similar dynamic. Musk, whocontributed about $290 millionof his personal fortune to help Republicans including Trump win last November, slammed House lawmakers who voted for the president's legislative package."Shame on those who voted for it: you know you did wrong,"Musk wrote June 3 on social media. But House Republicans who voted for the legislation, including some who also demanded deeper spending cuts when it was in their hands, said they're not worried about the package falling apart and coming back to haunt them. They say that's because they did fight for more budget cuts. "This wasn't a hard vote. It was hard going through the process to get more, and you can always do better," said Rep. Ralph Norman, R-South Carolina. "But look at whatDonald Trump's done, the great things that are contributing to cutting the deficit." Rep. David Schweikert, R-Arizona, who represents a competitive toss-up district, noted that he's introduced multiple bills to trim federal spending. "If Mr. Musk wants to be helpful, what he should do is start to understand that those of us in a 50-50 district who have shown up with actual policy solutions that offset every penny of this bill," he said. Leaving Washington for the weekend, Trump told reporters aboard Air Force Once on June 6 that he wasn't worried about Musk and that he remained confident he'd get "tremendous support" in the Senate to pass the bill. "I don't know of anybody who's going to vote against it," the president said, before adding: "Maybe Rand Paul." For his part, Johnsontold reporters June 4that he wasn't concerned about House Republicans losing seats in 2026. Predicting that the Senate would find the necessary votes on the president's tax bill, the speaker said he expects Americans will see the benefits of Trump's efforts before the next election. "Am I concerned about the effect of this on the midterms? I'm not," Johnson said. "I have no concern whatsoever. I am absolutely convinced that we are going to win the midterms and grow the House majority because we are delivering for the American majority and fulfilling our campaign promises." Contributing: Reuters This article originally appeared on USA TODAY:Republican infighting fuels concern about Trump tax bill's chances

Could Trump fail on tax bill? Why going 'big' doesn't always work out as planned

Could Trump fail on tax bill? Why going 'big' doesn't always work out as planned WASHINGTON – WillPresident Donald Trump's...
Trendlines: The smallest markets are winning the NBA finalsNew Foto - Trendlines: The smallest markets are winning the NBA finals

Welcome to Trendlines, your weekly installment of what's trending up and what's trending down in sports. This week we're talking about the NBA Finals, and the emergence of the small market team. Think about the iconic NBA franchises: The Los Angeles Lakers, the Boston Celtics, Chicago Bulls and, if you indulge me, the New York Knickerbockers. This NBA Finals features two nicknames to never win an NBA title: the Thunder and Pacers. These two teams are from not-so-iconic American cities: Oklahoma City and Indianapolis. So let's start there with a big downswing. I'm being a bit charitable here with being down 3 million. I've rounded down. Indianapolis has a little over 1 million homes in its media market. Oklahoma City has well under a million. Combined they have a little less than 2 million homes. What a change from 2024 when the Finals teams (Boston and Dallas) each have over 2 million homes in their media markets. But it's not just from last year from which we've seen a tremendous shift. Indeed, I plugged in the current media market size for every Finals team since the early 1980s. Based on the current rankings, this is the Finals with the smallest teams' media markets in at least the last 40 years. It's not just the media markets where we can see how the Pacers and Thunder are small markets. Take a look at the valuation for each franchise. Both teams are worth under $4 billion. Now, that is still a billion with a "b", but last year the two teams were worth about $5 billion on average. The fact that we have one small market team in the Finals isn'tthatunusual. Both of these teams have been in the finals before. What makes this year truly unique is that we have two teams worth so little at the same time. In fact, there hasn't been an NBA Finals' with two teams in the bottom 10 in the league in terms of worth since at least the early 1990s. Small market doesn't mean unexciting. Tyrese Haliburton ridiculously clutch shooting in Game 1 proves that. What makes Haliburton's production so amazing is he was still 24 on February 1 of this year. He's one of 18 players who have suited up for these squads who were under 25 on that date. That's a record since at least the early 1980s These are young and fresh players beyond just Haliburton. Thunder's star Jalen Williams clocks in at a mere 24 years old. His teammate Chet Holmgren is 23. We're looking at squads that could be good for years to come. Dare I say that, by the time it's all done, it may be Bulls, Celtics, Knicks, Lakers… and Pacers or Thunder on the pantheon of iconic NBA teams. For more CNN news and newsletters create an account atCNN.com

Trendlines: The smallest markets are winning the NBA finals

Trendlines: The smallest markets are winning the NBA finals Welcome to Trendlines, your weekly installment of what's trending up and wha...
Kane saves England from embarrassment against Andorra in World Cup qualifyingNew Foto - Kane saves England from embarrassment against Andorra in World Cup qualifying

BARCELONA, Spain (AP) — England needed a second-half goal from Harry Kane to secure a 1-0 win over lowly Andorra and maintain a perfect record under Thomas Tuchel after three World Cup qualifiers on Saturday. England was held scoreless by a team ranked 173rd in the world until Kane redirected a pass from Noni Madueke into the top of the net in the 50th minute after the Bayern Munich striker's initial effort was saved by goalkeeper Iker Álvarez. "We need to be better for sure," Kane said. "It's not one that many will remember, and we had good spells, but we take the three points and move on." It was goal No. 72 in his 106th appearance for the Three Lions. Tuchel's side remained top of Europe's Group K with nine points after wins against Albania and Latvia. They have yet to concede a goal under the German coach. Andorra remained winless but managed to frustrate England's stars for most of the game with its five-man defensive line. Ezri Konsa had to block a late shot by Andorra's Guillaume Lopez to prevent the chance of an equalizer. England dominated possession and Eberechi Eze went close to a second goal when he forced Álvarez to tip his header of the bar as the visitors couldn't extend the lead. England had won its previous six meetings with Andorra by a combined score of 25-0. The game was played at Espanyol's stadium in Barcelona, nearly three hours south of the Pyrenees principality — which has a population of around 80,000 — due to concerns that work on Andorra's home stadium wouldn't be finished in time. Only the group winners qualify directly for next year's tournament in North America. The second-placed teams go into a playoffs. Europe will have 16 teams in the expanded 48-team field for the World Cup. The group stage of European qualifying runs through November. ___ AP soccer:https://apnews.com/hub/soccer

Kane saves England from embarrassment against Andorra in World Cup qualifying

Kane saves England from embarrassment against Andorra in World Cup qualifying BARCELONA, Spain (AP) — England needed a second-half goal from...
2026 races loom at Georgia Republican convention as Trump loyalty dominatesNew Foto - 2026 races loom at Georgia Republican convention as Trump loyalty dominates

DALTON, Ga. (AP) — Steve Bannon took the stage Friday night at the Georgia Republican Convention to say it's too early to be talking about 2026. "Don't even think about the midterms," the Republican strategist told activists. "Not right now. '26, we'll think about it later. It's backingPresident Trumpright now." But it didn't work. There was plenty of praise for Donald Trump. And while the party took care of other business like electing officers and adopting a platform, the 2026 races for governor and Senate were already on the minds of many on Friday and Saturday in the northwest Georgia city of Dalton. "Everybody campaigns as quick as they can," U.S. Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene told The Associated Press Saturday. Lots of other people showed up sounding like candidates. Greene, after passing on a U.S. Senate bid against Democratic incumbent Jon Ossoff, laid out a slate of state-level issues on Saturday that will likely fuel speculation that she might run for governor. Echoing Trump's signature slogan, Greene told the convention to "Make Georgia great again, for Georgia." She called for abolishing the state income tax, infusing "classical" principles into Georgia's public schools, reopening mental hospitals to take mentally ill people off the streets, and changing Georgia's economic incentive policy to de-emphasize tax breaks for foreign companies and television and moviemakers. "Now these are state-level issues, but I want you to be talking about them," Greene said. In her AP interview before the speech, Greene said running for governor is an "option," but also said she has a "wonderful blessing" of serving her northwest Georgia district and exercising influence in Washington. "Pretty much every single primary poll shows that I am the top leader easily, and that gives me the ability to think about it. But it's a choice. It's my own, that I will talk about with my family." More likely to run for governor is Lt. Gov. Burt Jones, who is expected to announce a bid later this summer. "I promise you, I'm going to be involved in this upcoming election cycle," Jones told delegates Friday. Like Greene, Jones is among the Georgia Republicans closest to Trump, and emphasized that "the circle is small" of prominent Republicans who stood by the president after the 2020 election. Jones also took a veiled shot at state Attorney General Chris Carr, who declared his bid for governor in December and showed up Friday to work the crowd, but did not deliver a speech to the convention. "Always remember who showed up for you," Jones said. "And always remember who delivers on their promises." Carr told the AP that he didn't speak because he was instead attending a campaign event at a restaurant in Dalton on Friday, emphasizing the importance of building personal relationships. Although Trump targeted him for defeat in the 2022 primary, Carr said he's confident that Republicans will support him, calling himself a "proud Kemp Republican," and saying he would focus on bread-and-butter issues. "This state's been built on agriculture, manufacturing, trade, the military, public safety," Carr said. "These are the issues that Georgians care about." The easiest applause line all weekend was pledging to help beat Ossoff. "Jon Ossoff should not be in office at all," said U.S. Rep. Buddy Carter, who is spending heavily on television advertising to support his Senate run. "Folks, President Trump needs backup, he needs backup in the Senate," said state Insurance Commissioner John King, who is also running for the Senate. "He's going to need a four-year majority to get the job done. And that starts right here in the state of Georgia." Former University of Tennessee football coach Derek Dooley, who expressed interest Friday in running for Senate, did not address delegates. But one other potential candidate, U.S. Rep. Mike Collins, did. Collins told delegates that in 2026 it was a priority to defeat Ossoff and replace him with a "solid conservative." It's not clear, though, if Collins himself will run. "We're going to see how this thing plays out," Collins told the AP. "I'm not burning to be a senator, but we've got to take this seat back."

2026 races loom at Georgia Republican convention as Trump loyalty dominates

2026 races loom at Georgia Republican convention as Trump loyalty dominates DALTON, Ga. (AP) — Steve Bannon took the stage Friday night at t...
Breaking down 20 years of election data that shows how the two parties have evolved in the Trump eraNew Foto - Breaking down 20 years of election data that shows how the two parties have evolved in the Trump era

President Donald Trump's second election win was different from his first in one big, important way: He won the popular vote, just the second time in the last two decades that Republicans had done so. And in the time between those two victories, from 2004 to 2024, there have been dramatic shifts in the nation's politics along geographic, racial, educational and economic lines. Trump is operating in a very different Republican Party than George W. Bush was 20 years earlier. A look at where the vote has shifted most in that time tells an eye-catching story. Over the last 20 years, the counties where Republicans have improved their presidential vote share by the largest margins are predominately centered in Appalachia and the surrounding areas. The 100 counties that saw the largest shifts include: 11 of West Virginia's 55 counties, 27 of Tennessee's 95 counties, 18 of Arkansas' 75 counties and 17 of Kentucky's 120 counties. These counties, on the whole, are much more heavily white than average, according to census data, with white residents making up at least 90% of the total population in about two-thirds of these counties. All but 12 of those counties are at least 75% white. The unemployment rate across these counties is about twice the national average. Residents are more likely to be reliant on food stamps and less likely to have moved in the last year. Residents of these counties, on average, also are significantly less likely to have a bachelor's degree or higher. While the national average in the American Community Survey's most recent five-year estimate is that 35% of Americans have a bachelor's degree or higher, the average in these counties is just 14%. In short, the shifts show how Trump has brought more white working-class voters into the GOP, causing spectacular changes in some localities. Elliott County, Kentucky, with about 7,300 people, shifted the most over this time period. While Democrat John Kerry carried the county over Bush 70%-29%, the county shifted significantly to the right by Democrat Barack Obama's 2012 re-election, when Obama narrowly outran Republican Mitt Romney 49%-47%. The county continued to shift with Trump on the ballot, ultimately with Trump winning a higher vote share in 2024 (80%) than Kerry did in 2004. It's a similar story in many of these other counties — particularly those in states like West Virginia, Kentucky and Tennessee, where rural voters that once voted Democratic have been leaving the party, especially at the presidential level. A different look — at the counties with the largest pro-Republican shifts between Trump's three elections, from 2016 to 2024 — shows some major differences in the types of places that have moved to the right specifically within the Trump era. On average, the 100 counties that shifted most toward Republicans in the Trump era are significantly more Hispanic than the national average. These counties are also wealthier and more educated compared to the counties that moved most from 2004 to 2024, although they are still below the national average. While the biggest Republican-shifting counties from 2004 to 2024 are largely concentrated around Appalachia, the counties that shifted the most to the right in the Trump era are more spread out and predominantly in the South and West. Twenty-nine Texas counties show up in the list of 100 counties that saw the greatest gain in GOP presidential vote margin between 2016 and 2024, and 12 of those are among the 20 that saw the biggest shifts. All of these Texas counties are majority-Hispanic, and some are more than 90% Hispanic, emblematic ofTrump's dramatic improvementamongHispanic voters in 2024as well as his success in heavily Hispanic areasalong the border in 2020. Another heavily Hispanic county, Miami-Dade County, saw the 15th-largest shift in margin toward Republicans between 2016 and 2024 out of more than 3,000 counties nationwide. Other major population centers in New York City — including the Bronx, Brooklyn and Queens — are in the top 100 too. And the 14 counties in Utah are typical of another trend: Many Republicans initially skeptical of Trump in 2016 (including Mormons, who make up a significant part of the electorate in Utah) largely fell in line eight years later. Democrats have seen their own shifts — the flip side of those GOP gains in a country that has remained tightly divided even as the two party coalitions have shifted significantly from 20 years ago. While the counties that saw the largest GOP gains over the last two decades were predominantly rural and small, the counties where Democrats improved the most are much larger, primarily in suburban and urban areas. The 100 counties where the GOP presidential vote margin grew most over the last two decades cast just 782,000 votes in 2024. The 100 counties that saw the most improvement in the Democratic presidential vote margin cast almost 20 million votes all together in 2024. Those Democratic-trending counties include key constituencies that have become more important to the party's coalition in recent years. On average, they are more heavily Black, more wealthy, more educated and more urban, an unsurprising mix of voters mobilized in the Obama era and those who have fled the Republican Party in the Trump era. They're also broadly more likely to have more newer residents — according to census data, those Democratic-trending counties have higher-than-average shares of residents who have recently moved to the county. Many of those major trends intersect in exurban and suburban Georgia, particularly in the Atlanta metro area. Seven Georgia counties are among the top eight that saw the most movement toward Democrats the two decades since 2004: Rockdale, Henry, Douglas, Gwinnett, Newton, Cobb and Fayette counties. All but Newton are in metro Atlanta, all are at least one-quarter Black, and most have higher incomes and education rates than the national average. Extremely wealthy and highly educated areas in northern Virginia, as well as counties like Teton County, Wyoming — home to the ritzy Jackson Hole ski resorts as well as major national parks — and Los Alamos County, New Mexico — home to the Department of Energy laboratory that helped develop the atomic bomb — are also among the counties that swung most toward Democrats over this period. Los Alamos County is particularly symbolic: It has thehighest share of Ph.D.samong residents of any county in the country. Two more notable counties included in this list are Sarpy and Douglas counties in Nebraska, which make up the vast majority of the state's 2nd Congressional District — the "blue dot" that Joe Biden and Kamala Harris carried in the last two presidential elections, securing one electoral vote even as Trump carried the state. The counties that shifted most toward Democrats between 2016 and 2024, the Trump era, are significantly whiter and slightly older than those that moved most over the last two decades. Twenty are in Colorado and nine are in Utah, but there are a handful of important counties in the Midwest too. The two counties that saw the biggest Democratic shifts in the last eight years are both in Utah: Utah and Davis counties, around Provo and Salt Lake City, respectively. There's an important caveat here: In 2016, independent candidate Evan McMullin won 21% of the vote, deflating both parties' vote shares. Looking at more competitive states, almost one-third of Colorado's counties were among the 100 with the largest Democratic shifts in the Trump era, as were 11 in Georgia. Grand Traverse County, Michigan, and Ozaukee County, Wisconsin, have also seen more recent shifts, emblematic of how some educated, suburban Republican strongholds have been moving toward Democrats with Trump on the ballot. But those gains have been more moderate, an increase of 7 percentage points in the Democratic margin between 2016 and 2024 in Ozaukee, and 8 percentage points in Grand Traverse.

Breaking down 20 years of election data that shows how the two parties have evolved in the Trump era

Breaking down 20 years of election data that shows how the two parties have evolved in the Trump era President Donald Trump's second ele...
All that Jazz: 'Electric' Chisholm Jr. talks new approach for YankeesNew Foto - All that Jazz: 'Electric' Chisholm Jr. talks new approach for Yankees

NEW YORK – Arriving at a less-is-more revelation, Jazz Chisholm Jr. believes he's found that next-level key to personal success. That means an easier swing, a steadier running gait, a calmer approach in the field. "If I stay fundamentally sound at 70%, I'm a pretty good baseball player,'' said Chisholm, whose second straight three-hit night boosted the Yankees to a 9-6 victory Friday night. Chisholm's three-run homer and RBI single contributed to an early seven-run lead against the rivalBoston Red Soxand starter Walker Buehler, knocked out after two innings. Of course, the last time Buehler was on the Stadium mound, he closed out the World Series clincher in Game 5 for the Los Angeles Dodgers. This time, the Yanks jumped Buehler for five first-inning runs – including Chisholm's three-run homer on an 0-2 changeup to straightaway center field and a two-run shot by Anthony Volpe. Volpe left the game shortly after being plunked on the left elbow, forcing home a second inning run; X-rays and a CT scan were negative, and Volpe feels he'll be available Saturday. Meanwhile, Chisholm is batting .500 (8-for-16) with two homers, six RBI and three stolen bases in four games since coming off the injured list due to a strained oblique. "Electric is the only way to describe Jazz,'' said Yankees rookie starter Will Warren, who rebounded from a rough start last Saturday at Dodger Stadium by being more aggressive in the strike zone. As Chisholm reasons, "you can be electric while being in control at the same time,'' though "it's super challenging for me. The only thing I knew was how to go fast. "Basically, I was Ricky Bobby. That's all I knew.'' Chisholm's new approach had its first light-bulb moment on April 29, the day he was injured at Baltimore – doubling to right despite three small tears to his oblique. Before his brief minor league rehab assignment began last week, Chisholm convened with the club's hitting coaches and reviewed video of his minor league days. "The swing looked so effortless,'' and a plan was hatched to dial back in some respect – inspiring more contact, less swing and miss. "(At) 70%, you're one of the best out there,'' said Chisholm, quoting a conversation with assistant hitting coach Pat Roessler. "At 100 percent, I might be dog crap. I was hitting .171 at 100 percent.'' "It's really just about slowing everything down and taking a nice easy swing,'' said Judge. "And that's what I felt like I saw tonight, even the homer to center field.'' Chisholm drove an 0-2 Buehler curveball an estimated 417 feet over the center field wall, a ball that just kept carrying in the warm, humid air. "I'm looking forward to seeing more of that,'' Judge said of the at-bat that produced Chisholm's ninth homer of the year, in his 34th game. In his third time up, Chisholm rifled a single to center off a 1-0 changeup. "Earlier I the season, I was pulling off that and hitting it foul or rolling over because I was trying to hit a home run,'' said Chisholm. "I feel like a baseball player again.'' Maybe the 70-percent stuff sends a mixed message, so Chisholm emphasized, "you can't be lackadaisical," but "if I stay fundamentally sound at 70%, I'm a pretty good baseball player. "I really heard that all my life," Chisholm said. "I need to tone down the way I play." This article originally appeared on NorthJersey.com:Yankees' Jazz Chisholm on new approach for New York

All that Jazz: 'Electric' Chisholm Jr. talks new approach for Yankees

All that Jazz: 'Electric' Chisholm Jr. talks new approach for Yankees NEW YORK – Arriving at a less-is-more revelation, Jazz Chishol...

 

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