Judges bring Trump's sweeping plan to deport foreign students to a standstillNew Foto - Judges bring Trump's sweeping plan to deport foreign students to a standstill

President Donald Trump's sweeping bid to deport foreign students who have condemned the war in Gaza has been brought to a standstill by federal judges who have repeatedly ruled against the administration, according to an NBC News review of recent court filings. First, Mahmoud Khalil, a former Columbia University graduate student, was arrested and transported hundreds of miles from his home. Then a graduate student at Tufts University in Massachusetts, Rümeysa Öztürk, was grabbed off the street by masked plainclothes federal agents. A third student, Badar Khan Suri, a Georgetown University postdoctoral scholar and professor, was arrested at his home, while another Columbia student, Mohsen Mahdawi, was detained at his naturalization interview. Since then, though, federal judges have rejected the administration's arguments about court jurisdiction and the continued detention of three of the four students. Federal judges freed Öztürk, Mahdawi and Suri. And a ruling on Khalil's possible release is expected soon. In separate legal setbacks for the administration, federal appeals courts upheld lower courts' orders requiring the government to transfer Öztürk to Vermont for a bail hearing and to release Mahdawi. And late last month, a judgeissued an injunctionblocking the administration from terminating the legal status of international students at universities across the United States. The judges have been appointed by both Republican and Democratic presidents, including Trump. "It has been very heartening to see the courts recognize the legal issues at play here and recognize that what the administration has been doing is unconstitutional," said Esha Bhandari, deputy director of the American Civil Liberties Union, which represents several of the students. "This reinforces just how important it is to have an independent judiciary that can protect individual rights and act as a check when the executive branch overreaches." Assistant Homeland Security Secretary Tricia McLaughlin predicted in a statement to NBC News that the administration would eventually prevail in court. "These rulings delay justice and seek to kneecap the President's constitutionally vested powers," she said. "We expect a higher court to vindicate us in this. We have the law, the facts, and common sense on our side." The Justice Department did not respond to a request for comment. The Trump administration's primary legal argument is that foreign students and scholars can be deported underan obscure provisionof the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952. The law allows the secretary of state to remove noncitizens whose presence in the country would have "potentially serious adverse foreign policy consequences for the United States." Trump administration officials have argued that students who engaged in protests in support of Hamas, a foreign terrorist organization, contributed to antisemitism on college campuses. Khalil and the other students have denied allegations of antisemitism and of providing support to Hamas or any other terrorist organization, and they say they have not participated in protests backing Hamas. None of the four face any publicly known criminal charges. The government has yet to disclose any evidence linking the students to Hamas or praising the group, which the United States designated a foreign terrorist organization in 1997. Attorneys representing the students have argued that their clients' detainment and the efforts to deport them are retaliation for constitutionally protected free speech and advocacy for Palestinian rights. Khalil, a legal permanent resident, played a key role in the student protests at Columbia University last year by leading negotiations between the protesters and university officials. The other Columbia student, Mahdawi, was a prominent organizer of the pro-Palestinian demonstrations on campus. Öztürk, a graduate student, wrote anop-ed in her student newspaperat Tufts University that was critical of the university's response to the war in Gaza. Last week, a federal judge in New Jersey ruled against the administration's claim that Khalil's beliefs and speech had adverse consequences for U.S. foreign policy. It was the first time a judge has said the government's primary justification for deporting Khalil was most likely unconstitutional. U.S. District Judge Michael Farbiarz said Secretary of State Marco Rubio failed to "affirmatively determine" that Khalil's alleged conduct has affected U.S. relations with another country, adding that deporting Khalil under the provision would be "unprecedented." In response to a request for comment, a State Department spokesperson said, "We don't comment on pending litigation." Lora Ries, director of the Heritage Foundation's border security and immigration center, said the judges were unfairly blocking Trump. "There have been a lot of activist judges issuing rulings against the Trump administration," Ries said. "There is a clear effort, beyond even what we saw in Trump's first term, to slow down a lot of the efforts to enforce immigration law." Daniel Kanstroom, a professor at Boston College Law School, predicted that judges would continue to rule in international students' favor. "I think the courts are going to view this period as one in which the judiciary should and needs to exert a little more force and authority than it might do in other circumstances," Kanstroom said. "Just to bring the tone down a little bit and bring us back to a more normal interaction among the three branches." In April, U.S. District Judge Geoffrey Crawford ruled that Mahdawi, 34, a U.S. permanent resident who was born and raised in a refugee camp in the West Bank, should be released from a Vermont immigration detention facility on bail. Crawford said Mahdawi's continued detention would be likely to have a "chilling effect on protected speech." The government opposed freeing Mahdawi, citing law enforcement records that indicated he was "involved in and supporting antisemitic acts of violence" and that he had "an interest in and facility with firearms for that purpose," according to court documents filed under seal but reviewed by NBC News. But in a court order, Crawford said law enforcement had determined that a Vermont gun shop owner's accusations against Mahdawi were unsubstantiated. In May, U.S. District Judge William Sessions III freed Öztürk from detention, writing, "There has been no evidence introduced by the government other than the op-ed," referring to the student newspaper op-ed in which Öztürk called on Tufts to acknowledge the war in Gaza. "That literally is the case. There is no evidence here," Sessions said. Sessions said Öztürk's continued detention infringed on her First Amendment and due process rights. He added that it might be justified "if the government had presented a legitimate case for it, but it has not done so." No cases involving the deportation of foreign students for their condemnation of the war in Gaza are before the Supreme Court, but they could be in the future. Conor Fitzpatrick, a supervising senior attorney at the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression, a nonprofit civil liberties group, said the Supreme Court has yet to address the intersection of executive power, immigration law and free speech. Until it does, the fate of foreign students and scholars in the United States remains uncertain. "There is a real sense of unease for international students and international faculty about whether they can feel safe voicing their opinions," Fitzpatrick said. "They're worried about risking their immigration status, and that is a harm that is going to take a long time to undo." John Yoo, a law professor at the University of California, Berkeley, who served as a senior Justice Department official during the George W. Bush administration, said the cases will create a unique challenge for the Supreme Court. "The two things that this court has been very supportive of are coming into collision," Yoo said. "The Roberts Court has been very deferential to the executive branch in general. On the other hand, this court has also been extremely protective of freedom of speech." He added, "It's going to cause a lot of tension at the court."

Judges bring Trump's sweeping plan to deport foreign students to a standstill

Judges bring Trump's sweeping plan to deport foreign students to a standstill President Donald Trump's sweeping bid to deport foreig...
AOC endorses democratic socialist Zohran Mamdani in New York mayoral raceNew Foto - AOC endorses democratic socialist Zohran Mamdani in New York mayoral race

CongresswomanAlexandria Ocasio-Cortezhas endorsed insurgent democratic socialist candidate Zohran Mamdani inNew York City's closely watched mayoral race. In the heavily Democratic city, all eyes have been on the looming party primary for the mayoral candidate on 24 June, which has largely settled into a two-way fight between the outsider Mamdani and former New York governorAndrew Cuomo. Cuomo – whose tenure as governor was marred by accusations of sexual harassment – dominated early polling but Mamdani, a 33-year-old city assemblyman, has emerged as a serious rival, surging on the back of a leftist set of policy positions. Related:New York City Democratic mayoral primary debate: five key takeaways "Assembly member Mamdani has demonstrated a real ability on the ground to put together a coalition of working-class New Yorkers that is strongest to lead the pack," Ocasio-Corteztold the New York Timesin an interview. "In the final stretch of the race, we need to get very real about that." Ocasio-Cortez, 35, is one of the most prominent young and leftwing voices in Democratic politics, currently taking a prominent role – along with veteran senator Bernie Sanders – in opposing the Trump administration and criticizing Democratic party elites for not doing enough to fight the White House. Her endorsement in the New York mayor's race, in which incumbent Eric Adams has been dogged by corruption allegations and his close relationship with Donald Trump, had been eagerly anticipated. "As someone who got elected when I was 28 years old, I know very intimately what it means to be trusted with an enormous job of immense responsibility at a very young age," she said of Mamdani. Mamdani responded to the news by telling the Times that Ocasio-Cortez was a "once-in-a-generation leader" and said: "In 2018, AOC shocked the world and changed our politics for the better with her historic victory. On June 24, we will do the same." On Wednesday night, Mamdani,who has seen a recent surge in popularityand is closing on Cuomo, participated in a debate with the former governor and other candidates before the endorsement. He accused the centrist Cuomo of being beholden to powerful and wealthy donors and their corporate interests. "The difference between myself and Andrew Cuomo is that my campaign is not funded by the very billionaires who put Donald Trump in DC," Mamdani said. Cuomo, meanwhile, attacked Mamdani as being too young and inexperienced for the tasking of running a sprawling metropolis of the size of New York. "He's been in government 27 minutes," Cuomo jabbed.

AOC endorses democratic socialist Zohran Mamdani in New York mayoral race

AOC endorses democratic socialist Zohran Mamdani in New York mayoral race CongresswomanAlexandria Ocasio-Cortezhas endorsed insurgent democr...
2025 NBA Finals a tale of two point guards: Thunder has MVP, Pacers have Mr. ClutchNew Foto - 2025 NBA Finals a tale of two point guards: Thunder has MVP, Pacers have Mr. Clutch

OKLAHOMA CITY — The2025 NBA Finalsis, in many ways, a celebration of the point guard. Shai Gilgeous-Alexander, the NBA's Most Valuable Player and theOklahoma City Thundersuperstar, and Tyrese Haliburton, the pass-first point guard with a penchant in the clutch, areeach franchise's hopeto win the Larry O'Brien Trophy. Though they likely won't match up directly all the time, the responsibility of guarding the other likely falling to more specialized defenders, Gilgeous-Alexander and Haliburton are reshaping the image of the point guard in the modern NBA. ANALYSIS:Haters gonna hate, but NBA's 3-point shot is crucial to winning titles ANALYSIS:Unsung heroes? Underrated players who could make a difference in NBA Finals Here's a close look at each player and the matchup that will define the 2025 NBA Finals: Gilgeous-Alexander, 26, is a refreshing throwback. He dominates without taking a lot of 3-pointers and is not constantly complaining to the referees. "He just has an 'I'm going to get it done' mentality," Thunder All-Star Jalen Williams said. "That's kind of rubbed off on the rest of the team. You can always see, he doesn't make excuses. That bleeds over into the team." That mentality has put the Thunder in great position to win their first title since relocating from Seattle in 2008. The SuperSonics won the NBA championship in 1979. Gilgeous-Alexander's rise from All-Star to MVP has been one of the league's best stories. Thunder executive vice president and general manager Sam Presti saw Gilgeous-Alexander's potential when he traded for him after Gilgeous-Alexander's rookie season with the Los Angeles Clippers in 2019. While you could see Gilgeous-Alexander's improvement season over season, he jumped from 24.5 points a game in 2021-22 to 31.4 points per game in 2022-23. He made his first All-NBA team that season and was fifth in MVP voting. Last season, he averaged 30.1 points, was All-NBA again and finished second in MVP voting. This season, he took his game to another level, averaging career-highs in points (32.7) and assists (6.4) per game while shooting 51.9% from the field, 37.5% on 3s and 89.8% on free throws. He also averaged 1.7 steals and 1.0 block. His is the score-first point guard but his playmaking has improved as the talent around him has improved. With Jalen Williams and Lu Dort as teammates, Gilgeous-Alexander is not the team's premier defender, but he is a two-way star. He's not allergic to defending. "What he's been able to do this (season) has been amazing," Haliburton said. "He's an amazing player – MVP of our league, rightfully so, for a reason. We're looking forward to the challenge of competing against him." Gilgeous-Alexander does much of his damage inside the 3-point line, taking just 5.7 3s per game during the regular season. On 2-point attempts, he shot above the league average, making 57.1%. He uses speed and balance to create space and gets to the foul line 8.8 times per game. MORE:How Shaq 'flipped the script,' grew fortune and became larger than life after retirement His MVP season coincided with a franchise-record 68 victories, and he has powered this run to the Finals. He has scored at least 30 points in 11 of 16 playoff games. He has scored at least 30 in seven of his past eight games and scored 40 against Minnesota in Game 4 of the Western Conference finals, giving the Thunder a 3-1 series lead. In the Game 5 series-clincher, he had 34 points, eight assists and seven rebounds. "To win a title on top of everything that happened this year would be special," Alexander said. "I said this so many times, I don't play for the individual stuff, I don't play for anything else besides winning. I never have in my whole life. "When I was 9 years old I played to win a OBA (Ontario Basketball Association) championship. When I was 20 years old, I played to win the SEC Championship. Now I'm 26, I want to win the NBA championship. It's always about winning for me." Though there are some similarities in Haliburton's game to Gilgeous-Alexander's, these are wildly different players. They both play point guard, and they both thrive when the ball is in their hands. That's more or less where it ends. Whereas Gilgeous-Alexander is a steady, 30-point machine, Haliburton is a pass-first point motor who dictates the speed and pace of Indiana's offense. The other players on the floor take his lead, waiting for his cues to sprint up the floor, trying to get open looks in transition. Haliburton, 25, is averaging 9.8 assists per game in the playoffs, most of any player, and is carrying an absurd 35.1 assist-to-turnover ratio. The lack of giveaways marks his efficiency and impact — how he's able to assess risk and thread passes into tight windows without turning it over. "He's doing this within the system," Pacers coach Rick Carlisle said afterHaliburton's historic triple-doublein Game 4 of the Eastern Conference finals. "There isn't a lot of freelance stuff where they're just kind of outside-the-box gambles. That's real growth." But while the Pacers thrive on Haliburton's distribution, they also struggle when he fails to assert himself. There are some games when Haliburton becomes too passive, too deferential, allowing defenses to dictate the volume and types of shots he generates. Across Indiana's 16 playoff games, Haliburton is averaging 21.3 points per game in 12 victories, compared to just 11.5 in four losses. On average, he attempts nearly six field goals fewer in defeats. When expanded to regular season games, the same pattern is evident. Perhaps these low-scoring games are where the "overrated" label came from, as Haliburton was voted by his peers asthe most overrated player in the NBAin an anonymous poll conducted by the Athletic. Haliburton drew 13 of the 90 votes (14.4%). Yet, look at the closing minutes of clutch games, when Haliburton has been exceptional. During the regular season and playoffs this year, Haliburton is an astonishing 12-of-14 (85.7%) on attempts to tie the score or take a lead inside the final two minutes (including overtime). It gets even more impressive. Half of those made shots have been 3-pointers, meaning — across those 14 attempts — he has scored 30 points. That averages out to 2.14 points per shot attempt to tie or take a lead inside the closing two minutes. When converting that into effective field goal percentage, which adjusts to account for the added value of 3s, Haliburton is shooting a preposterous 107.1% in those clutch situations. And that doesn't even factor in a pair of and-1s, with resulting made free throws actually giving him 32 points on those 14 attempts. Overrated? Anything but. This article originally appeared on USA TODAY:NBA Finals a tale of two point guards - an MVP and 'underrated'

2025 NBA Finals a tale of two point guards: Thunder has MVP, Pacers have Mr. Clutch

2025 NBA Finals a tale of two point guards: Thunder has MVP, Pacers have Mr. Clutch OKLAHOMA CITY — The2025 NBA Finalsis, in many ways, a ce...
Rick Pitino doesn't want to replace Tom Thibodeau as the next Knicks head coach: 'Absolutely not'New Foto - Rick Pitino doesn't want to replace Tom Thibodeau as the next Knicks head coach: 'Absolutely not'

Rick Pitino won't be returning to the New York Knicks. "Absolutely not," he said Wednesday night during the New York Yankees' game against the Cleveland Guardians, after he threw out the first pitch. Rick Pitino does not want the Knicks job.pic.twitter.com/lXWJ1WhD8g — Jake Kosack (@JakeKosack)June 5, 2025 While there are a number of reasons why he might be a great fit, Pitino is now officially out of the running. TheKnicks fired coach Tom Thibodeau on Tuesdayafter five seasons with the franchise. Thibodeau was fresh off a trip to the Eastern Conference finals, too, which is a place the Knicks hadn't been since 2000. By all accounts, Thibodeau's time with the Knicks was a success. He just couldn't get them over the hump and into the Finals. "I feel bad for Thibs because I think he captured all of New York and built something very, very special," Pitino said, viaSNY. "A lot of us don't comprehend what happened, but Thibs is going to be well taken care of and he'll move on to other pastures." Naturally, the move has led to plenty of speculation as to whom the Knicks will hire to replace him. New York is now the only franchise without a head coach, after thePhoenix Suns moved to hire Cleveland Cavaliers assistant Jordan Otton Wednesday. There areplenty of solid names available, like former Denver Nuggets head coach Michael Malone or ex-Sacramento Kings coach Mike Brown, for example. But others, like Pitino, have also been floated. Pitino already worked for the Knicks early in his career. He was an assistant there for two seasons before jumping into the head job in 1987. He returned to the league nearly a decade later for a short stint with the Boston Celtics. Pitino is now with St. John's, where he's fresh off an NCAA tournament trip and in the midst of a career revival following his tumultuous exit from Louisville. Pitino wouldn't necessarily be a long-term play for the Knicks, considering his age and where he's at in his career, but he's more than proved he's capable of the job throughout his decades in the sport. And, with him right across the river in Queens and the Red Storm already playing their home games in Madison Square Garden, he'd be an easy call to make. But, it sounds like Pitino, 72, is more than happy where he is. "As long as you're mentally and physically sharp, you do it as long as you can, because coaching is a blessing," Pitino said, viaSNY. "It's the second-best thing to playing. I've been blessed with over 50 years of coaching, and I hope it continues as long as I can do it." The Knicks will have to look elsewhere.

Rick Pitino doesn't want to replace Tom Thibodeau as the next Knicks head coach: 'Absolutely not'

Rick Pitino doesn't want to replace Tom Thibodeau as the next Knicks head coach: 'Absolutely not' Rick Pitino won't be retur...
Andrew Cuomo faces a pile-on and other takeaways from New York City mayoral debateNew Foto - Andrew Cuomo faces a pile-on and other takeaways from New York City mayoral debate

Andrew Cuomo faced a two-hour pile-on Wednesday as eight other Democrats vying for the party's nomination for New York City mayor spent their first debate attempting to knock the former governor off his perch. Cuomo faced attacks over hismanagement of the coronavirus pandemicand thesexual harassment allegationsthat drove him out of the governor's office. In particular, he sparred with his biggest progressive rival, state assemblyman Zohran Mamdani. All of them sought to demonstrate that they'd be best able to stand up toPresident Donald Trump, a native New Yorker who has frequently targeted his hometown. The Trump administration earlier in the day escalated its fight with Columbia University, on the city's Upper West Side, declaring the schooldoesn't meet accreditation standardsdue to its failure to protect Jewish students. Many used the current mayor, Eric Adams, as a foil after Trump's Justice Departmentdropped its corruption investigationagainst him. Adamsdropped outof the Democratic primary and is seeking re-election as an independent. Ultimately, in the first of two debates before the June 24 primary, there was no obvious breakout moment to change the dynamics of the race, with Cuomo as the front-runner and Mamdani seen as a leading progressive challenger. The underdogs often talked over each other — and the moderators — as they vied for attention. They wouldn't answer when asked who they plan to rank second on their primary ballots, even though second-place votes could be crucial as low performers are winnowed out by New York's ranked-choice system. Here's a look at what happened. Progressives gang up against Cuomo Cuomo's more progressive rivals piled on early and often. Mamdani repeatedly cast Cuomo as beholden to his campaign's donors, accusing Cuomo of caring more about "billionaires and wealthy corporations" than working-class New Yorkers. City Comptroller Brad Lander said he would rid New York City of corruption, taking seemingly a shot at both Cuomo and Adams. Cuomo positioned himself as the moderate on a stage of far-left candidates — the same thing Adams is trying to do against Cuomo. The mayor is casting the former governor as to blame for progressive cannabis and bail reform laws that Adams says have made it tougher to combat crime. At times, Cuomo sought to redirect blame for New York City's problems to his opponents, many of whom have held offices in city government. And he insisted his campaign finances won't affect his actions in office. Even when Cuomo was talking tough about taking on Trump — "If you give into him today, you will be giving him your lunch money for the rest of your life," he said — his rivals jumped in. Cuomo said that "the way you fight him is not by suing him. Yes, of course you sue him, but he gets sued ten times before he gets out of bed in the morning." Lander jumped in and said: "Kind of like you." "And the lawsuits, we're winning, by the way," said Adrienne Adams, the city council speaker. Cuomo vs. Mamdani Mamdani tore into Cuomo repeatedly. Cuomo returned the favor often. The former governor said Mamdani is "very good on Twitter and with videos," a nod to his virality on social media, but said he "produces nothing." Cuomo, whose lead in the race has been powered by Black voters, brought up old Twitter posts Mamdani made in 2013 in which he said former President Barack Obama had shown that "that the lesser evil is still pretty damn evil." And he said Mamdani, whose name he occasionally mispronounced, was too inexperienced and would be no match for the current president. "Donald Trump would go through Mr. Mamdani like a hot knife through butter," Cuomo said. "He's been in government 27 minutes, he's passed 3 bills, that's all he's done, he has no experience with Washington, no experience with New York City - he would be Trump's delight." Mamdani responded that he doesn't have experience with "corrupt Trump billionaires" – a dig at Cuomo's donors – and pointed to his work winning debt relief for taxi drivers. During a discussion about holding food delivery services accountable for the way delivery drivers use e-bikes, Mamdani pointed to a $1 million donation made to a super PAC backing Cuomo. "I find it ridiculous to hear Andrew Cuomo talk about how we need to regulate the apps," Mamdani said. "How are you going to regulate DoorDash when they are giving you a million dollars to influence your street safety regulations and your labor regulations?" Cuomo reiterated that he thinks the apps should be held responsible. "I work for the people of the state of New York, the people of the city of New York," he said. "I don't care who gave me what, I do what is right." Cuomo takes heat on sexual harassment allegations Cuomo faced pointed questions about the sexual harassment allegations that forced him out of the governor's office in 2021. Former state assemblyman Michael Blake, a little more than half an hour into the debate, was the first to raise them. "The people who don't feel safe are the young women, mothers and grandmothers around Andrew Cuomo," Blake said. "That's the greatest threat to public safety in New York City." Cuomo ignored Blake's attack, instead criticizing rivals for backing calls to "defund the police." Blake immediately highlighted Cuomo's non-answer. Later, moderators asked Cuomo, during a portion of the debate focused on the candidates' biggest regrets, what he would say to voters who wonder if the same situation would happen again. "I said at the time that if I offended anyone, it was unintentional, but I apologize, and I say that today," he said. The field backs away from "defund the police" Six years after New York Democrats passed bail reform and five years after "Defund the Police" became a rallying cry among progressives in the city and nationwide, the rare thing that most candidates could agree on was distancing themselves from both. That included Cuomo, who as governor signed the bail reform law, which stopped prisoners from being held on bail for most misdemeanors and non-violent offenses, including drug charges, and state senators Zellnor Myrie and Jessica Ramos as well as Blake, who all voted for the bill. That criminal justice reform change was a huge priority for progressives at the time but has been blamed for spiking crime rates in the city and raising recidivist rates. It has already been amended several times. "We had to do that, but we need to make it different and stronger now," Blake said. "That means we have to hold repeat offenders more accountable, be much more attentive to that degree." Most candidates spoke about the need for more police on the beat. "We need to put cops on the beat, working with the small businesses to root out the people who are constantly coming back to do this. But we also have to make sure that the people who are doing the stealing also have opportunities to get them the housing and the services that they need," former comptroller Scott Stringer said. "I have never called for defunding the police and I never will," Adams said. The exception was Mamdani, who has opposed any of the rollbacks to the bail reform laws and supported the Defund calls. Mamdani called for sustaining the head count at the Police Department, but said, "I want to listen to police officers who are leaving in droves from the department because they're being asked to do the work of mental health professionals and social workers." Alignment on immigration The candidates also aligned on immigration and opposing Trump's plans to carry out the largest deportation operation in U.S. history. The candidates were asked how they would respond to a hypothetical situation in which ICE notified city-run hospitals that they would be cut off from federal funding unless they stop offering care to undocumented migrants. "You cannot give in to Mr. Trump and his demands," Cuomo said. "You cannot." He said he would not just sue the administration but work to build a national coalition against it. Investor Whitney Tilson said he was "appalled by what Trump is doing to terrorize immigrant communities" and he would "fight him tooth and nail" on the issue. Lander said he was "proud" to co-sponsor the city's sanctuary laws. "Forty percent of the 8 million New Yorkers are foreign born, 50% live in mixed-status households, including 1 million children," Lander said. "This is the future of New York City that we're talking about." Ramos said that she wants to make sure that immigrants in the city can work. "It will be my responsibility as mayor of the city of New York to create entry points into the economy, so that they can stay busy, provide for themselves and for their families, and honor the fabric of this city and of this country which cannot function, whose future won't be brighter, without our immigrants," she said. Several candidates mentioned their own ties to immigration. Mamdani, who was born in Uganda and is a naturalized US citizen, noted he would be the first immigrant mayor of the city and referenced a recent attack from a Republican city councilwoman who called for him to be deported. Blake said that he is the son of Jamaican immigrants and Myrie said his parents, who were in the U.S. illegally at the time, relied on city hospitals when he had an asthma attack as a child. For more CNN news and newsletters create an account atCNN.com

Andrew Cuomo faces a pile-on and other takeaways from New York City mayoral debate

Andrew Cuomo faces a pile-on and other takeaways from New York City mayoral debate Andrew Cuomo faced a two-hour pile-on Wednesday as eight ...
Senate Republicans plan to amend SALT tax deduction in Trump's sweeping billNew Foto - Senate Republicans plan to amend SALT tax deduction in Trump's sweeping bill

WASHINGTON – Senate Republicans are likely to tweak a state and local tax deduction that was crucial to PresidentDonald Trump's sweeping tax bill passing the House, setting up a potential showdown with the lower chamber. It's the first significant change Senate Republicans have signaled they will make to themassive bill, which would extend 2017 income tax cuts, implement new tax cuts for tipped wages and overtime, and put more money toward border security spending. "Obviously, the House has different equities when it comes to that issue. But we'll work it out," Senate Majority Leader John Thune told reporters after a June 4 meeting at the White House. "We obviously realize that anything we do also has to pass the House of Representatives, it's got be something that the president is willing to sign into law." At issue is a state and local tax deduction, known as SALT, which benefits the constituents of several Republicans who represent districts in largely Democratic states, such as New York, California, and New Jersey.Those lawmakers pushedfor the cap to be raised from $10,000 to $40,000 for people earning less than $500,000 per year in exchange for their support for the GOP legislation. Both the Senate and Trump understand that the final bill must be able to get through the House's three-vote margin, Thune said. "But we also start from a position that there really isn't a single Republican senator who cares much about the SALT issue. It's just not an issue that plays," the South Dakota Republican said. Unlike in the House, there are no Republican senators who represent high-tax states that could benefit from the deduction. Adding a cap to the deduction, which Republicans approved during Trump's first presidency, Thune said, "was one of the best reforms that we had in the bill." "So we will work with our House counterparts, and with the White House, to try to get that issue in a place where we can deliver the votes and get the bill across the finish line," he added. The comments come as the Senate begins reworking the legislation to fit through their small majority. The bill must receive at least 50 votes in the chamber, which Republicans control 53 to 47. Trump has met with Thune and other senators this week, including Wisconsin Sen. Ron Johnson and members of the Senate Finance Committee, as his administration works toward a July 4 goal of getting the legislation to his desk. Several Republican senators have already raised concerns with the cost of the package, which is estimated to addaround $2.4 trillionto the federal deficit over the next 10 years, according to the latest nonpartisan estimates. Reducing the SALT cap would save some money and reduce the size of the bill. The price tag has also drawn the ire of former Trump adviserElon Musk, who called the bill an "abomination" and said the billshould be killed. Trump's administration insisted after the social media posts that an estimate put out by the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office was not accurate. A senior official said on June 4 that the White House's modeling showed the bill, plus other cost-cutting measures the administration is pursuing, saving $1.6 trillion over time. The Senate is expected to make some changes to the legislative bill before working with the House to reconcile the differences between the two versions, or forcing the lower chamber to vote on the bill as the Senate has written it, potentially causing a dust-up with those blue-state Republicans in the process. Multiple House Republicans have already said they would vote against the bill if the Senate changes their agreed-upon deal to raise the SALT cap. Changing the deal "would be like digging up safely buried radioactive waste – reckless, destabilizing and sure to contaminate everything around it," Rep. Nick Lalota, R-New York,told reporters on June 4. This article originally appeared on USA TODAY:Senate Republicans plan to tweak SALT tax deal in massive Trump bill

Senate Republicans plan to amend SALT tax deduction in Trump's sweeping bill

Senate Republicans plan to amend SALT tax deduction in Trump's sweeping bill WASHINGTON – Senate Republicans are likely to tweak a state...
Opinion: NFL wants you to think it's taking sports betting seriously. Don't be fooled.New Foto - Opinion: NFL wants you to think it's taking sports betting seriously. Don't be fooled.

The NFL is unmatched when it comes to, well, pretty much everything. Hypocrisy included. The NFL announced Wednesday that it ispartnering with the International Center for Responsible Gamingfor research into gambling by college students and athletes. The NFL is also giving the ICRG money so the group can update educational materials designed to prevent gambling by kids. "This initiative reflects our ongoing commitment to promoting responsible gambling and fostering a safe and supportive environment for athletes, fans, and communities," Anna Isaacson, the NFL's senior vice president of social responsibility, said in a release. Take a minute and let all that sink in. Maybe read it again. Then feel free to beat your head against the wall. The NFL, the league that haspartnerships with FanDuel, DraftKings, Caesers and other gaming companiesand last year held the Super Bowl in Las Vegas – and this year at an arena whose naming rights belong to a gaming company, is concerned about the harmful effects of gambling. Even if the end result of this partnership with ICRG is admirable and worthwhile, this is akin to an arsonist providing fire prevention tips. The NFL can't wring its hands and express concern that teenagers and young 20-somethings, whose brains are still developing, are becoming problem gamblers when it is helping to lead them down that pathway. When you contribute to the harm, you don't get credit for trying to limit its impact. "Yes, there is some hypocrisy there. That being said, it's not nearly on the same level as the gambling companies themselves," said Victor Matheson, an economist at Holy Cross who specializes in sports and gambling. "The NFL does not need addicted gamblers," Matheson said. "FanDuel and DraftKings do." The NFL is trying to have it both ways, however. It's just fine taking the money from FanDuel and DraftKings and Caesars and BetMGM and ... well, you get the picture. It's OK with allowing those companies to use their relationship with the NFL to encourage more people to bet and to bet more. Yet it acts as if it hasn't played a role in fueling a culture in which sports betting has become normalized, andyoung people, boys in particular, are gambling at younger and younger ages. More:Inside the high-stakes, high-risk world of sports betting and how it's gripping young men More:He had a debilitating sports betting addiction but didn't realize it. His story's not uncommon. There was a time when the NFL could take the moral high ground on this issue. For years, in fact, NFL commissioner Roger Goodell was hypervigilant about the league avoiding even the appearance of an association with gambling. He sent strongly worded letters to any state that tried to do an end-around the NFL's gaming prohibitions, and the league refused an ad from the Las Vegas Convention and Visitors Authority during the Super Bowl in 2003. Goodell even forced Tony Romo, then the Dallas Cowboys quarterback, tocancel a fantasy football conventionin Las Vegas in 2015. All that changed in 2018, whena Supreme Court ruling effectively legalized gambling across the country. Now sports betting is legal in all but 11 states, according to the American Gaming Association, with 32 states allowing online and mobile sports betting. Rather than standing its ground, the NFL realized there was money to be made and said, "The heck with principles!" But while the NFL is getting paid, it's ordinary people who are paying the price. "We've seen gambling companies become a little more evil," Matheson said, referring to the ease and pervasiveness of online betting. "It's much more of an addictive product now." And the NFL is an active partner in that. Ads for gaming companies are incessant during NFL broadcasts — I saw Kevin Hart so much this season, I almost felt as if he was part of my family — and some of its most famous alums are shilling for the sports books. DraftKings sponsors the NFL RedZone, the wildly popular whip-around show. Caesars has naming rights to the Superdome in New Orleans, home of the Saints and host of this year's Super Bowl. If the NFL thinks it's "fostering a safe and supportive environment" related to gambling, it's got a funny way of doing it. There is a cautionary tale for the NFL and every other sports league that has cozied up to the gaming companies. Sports and gambling have been intertwined in the United Kingdom for about half a century, to the point it is ubiquitous in the English Premier League. Ads for sports books are on the ribbon boards lining the fields, unavoidable for fans in the stands and watching on TV. Of the 20 teams in the EPL this season, 12 had a gaming company as its front-of-jersey sponsor. But as concerns about problem gambling increased, drawing the attention of the UK government, theEPL announced it would prohibit front-of-jersey sponsors by gaming companiesbeginning with the 2026-27 season. The same could happen in the United States, Matheson said. "(The NFL) isn't going to walk away from the money without an awfully good reason to do so," he said. "But I think there is a real chance they will walk away from the money, or not squawk too loudly, when restrictions are placed upon them by state governments who want to restrict the worst excesses of the gambling companies." Maybe. But even if that happens, it will not diminish the harm the NFL did so willingly. Follow USA TODAY Sports columnist Nancy Armour on social media @nrarmour. This article originally appeared on USA TODAY:Is NFL serious about curbing gambling abuses? Don't bet on it.

Opinion: NFL wants you to think it's taking sports betting seriously. Don't be fooled.

Opinion: NFL wants you to think it's taking sports betting seriously. Don't be fooled. The NFL is unmatched when it comes to, well, ...

 

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