WASHINGTON (AP) — "Mr. President, this is the gavel used to enact the 'big, beautiful bill,'"House Speaker Mike Johnsonsaid at aWhite House signing ceremonyon the Fourth of July. "I want you to have it," he said. Handing over the gavel delightedPresident Donald Trumpwho, seated behind a desk outdoors, immediately tested it out with a few quick thumps. The moment left amemorable mark on a historic day. The gesture reflected a traditional nod of honor, from one leader to another, a milestone of the Republican Party's prioritylegislation becoming law. But the imagery also underscored a symbolictransfer of political power, from Capitol Hill to the White House as a compliant Congress is ceding more and more of its prerogative to the presidency. Congress givesDonald Trumpwhat he wants SinceTrump's return to the White Housein January, and particularly in the past few weeks, Republicans in control of the House and Senate have shown an unusual willingness to give the president of their party what he wants, regardless of the potential risk to themselves, their constituents and Congress itself. Republicans raced to putthe big package of tax breaks and spending cutson Trump's desk by his Independence Day deadline. Senators had quickly confirmed almost all ofTrump's outsider Cabinet nomineesdespite grave reservations overRobert F. Kennedy Jr.as health secretary,Pete Hegseth as the Pentagon chiefand others. House Republicans pursued Trump's interest in investigating his perceived foes, including investigating DemocraticPresident Joe Biden'suse of the autopen. But at the same time, Congress hit the brakes on one of its own priorities, legislation imposingsteep sanctions on Russiaover its war on Ukraine, after Trump announced he was allowing President Vladimir Putinan additional 50 days to negotiatea peace deal, dashing hopes for a swifter end to the conflict. This past week, Congress was tested anew, delivering on Trump's request torescindsome $9 billion that lawmakers had approved but that the administration wanted to eliminate, including money forpublic broadcastingand overseas aid. It was a rare presidential request, a challenge to the legislative branch's power of the purse, that has not been used in decades. The pressure on Republicans is taking its toll "We're lawmakers. We should be legislating," said a defiantSen. Lisa Murkowksi, R-Alaska,as she refused to support the White House's demand to rescind money for National Public Radio and others. "What we're getting now is a direction from the White House and being told, 'This is the priority. We want you to execute on it. We'll be back with you with another round,'" she said. "I don't accept that." Congress, the branch of government the Founding Fathers placed first in the Constitution, is at a familiar crossroads. During the first Trump administration, Republicans frightened by Trump's angry tweets of disapproval would keep their criticisms private. Those who did speak up — Liz Cheney of Wyoming in the House and Mitt Romney of Utah in the Senate, among others — are gone from Capitol Hill. One former GOP senator,Jeff Flake of Arizona, who announced in 2017 during Trump's first term that he would not seek reelection the next year, is imploring Republicans to find a better way. "The fever still hasn't broken," he wrote recently in The New York Times. "In today's Republican Party, voting your conscience is essentially disqualifying." Seeking a 'normal' Congress But this time, the halls of Congress are filled with many Republicans who came of political age with Trump's "Make America Great Again" movement and owe their ascent to the president himself. Many are emulating his brand and style as they shape their own. A new generation of GOP leaders, Johnson in the House andSenate Majority Leader John Thune, have pulledcloser to Trump. They are utilizing the power of the presidency in ways large and small — to broker deals, encourage wayward lawmakers to fall in line, even to set schedules. Johnson, R-La., has openly pined for what he calls a "normal Congress." But short of that, the speaker relies on Trump to help stay on track. When Republicans hit an impasse oncryptocurrency legislation, a Trump priority, it was the president who met with holdouts in the Oval Office late Tuesday night as Johnson called in by phone. The result is a perceptible imbalance of power as the executive exerts greater authority while the legislative branch dims. The judicial branch has been left to do the heavy lift of checks and balances with the courts processinghundreds of lawsuitsover the administration's actions. "The genius of our Constitution is the separation of power," said Democratic Rep.Nancy Pelosiof California, the former speaker, in an interview on SiriusXM's "Mornings with Zerlina." "That the Republicans in Congress would be so ignoring of the institution that they represent, and that have just melted the power of the incredibly shrinking speakership" and Senate leadership positions, "to do all of these things, to cater to the executive branch," she said. Confronting Trump comes with costs Sen. Thom Tillis, R-N.C.,endured Trump's criticism over his opposition to the tax and spending cuts bill. The senator raised concerns about steep cuts to hospitals, but the president threatened to campaign against him. Tillisannounced he would not seek reelectionin 2026. Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine, voted against that bill and the rescissions package despite Trump's threat to campaign against any dissenters. One Republican,Rep. Thomas Massie of Kentucky, appears to bepressing on, unphased. He recently proposed legislation to force the administration to release theJeffrey Epstein files, something the president had been reluctant to do. "Nowhere in the Constitution does it say that if the president wants something, you must do it," said Sen. Brian Schatz, D-Hawaii, in a Senate speech. "We don't have to do this. We don't have to operate under the assumption that this man is uniquely so powerful."
